studies-highlight-benefits-of-early-education
James Heckman is one of the nation’s top economists studying human
development. Thirteen years ago, he shared the Nobel for economics. In
February, he stood before the annual meeting of the Nebraska Chamber of
Commerce and Industry, showed the assembled business executives a chart, and demolished the United States’ entire approach to education.
The chart showed the results of cognitive tests that were first
performed in the 1980s on several hundred low-birthweight 3-year-olds,
who were then retested at ages 5, 8 and 18.
Children of mothers who had graduated from college scored much higher at
age 3 than those whose mothers had dropped out of high school, proof of
the advantage for young children of living in rich, stimulating
environments.
More surprising is that the difference in cognitive performance was just as big at age 18 as it had been at age 3.
“The gap is there before kids walk into kindergarten,” Mr. Heckman told me. “School neither increases nor reduces it.”
If education is supposed to help redress inequities at birth and improve
the lot of disadvantaged children as they grow up, it is not doing its
job.
It is not an isolated finding. Another study
by Mr. Heckman and Flavio Cunha of the University of Pennsylvania found
that the gap in math abilities between rich and poor children was not
much different at age 12 than it was at age 6.
The gap is enormous, one of the widest
among the 65 countries taking part in the Program for International
Student Achievement run by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and
Development.
American students from prosperous backgrounds scored on average 110
points higher on reading tests than disadvantaged students, about the
same disparity that exists between the average scores in the United
States and Tunisia. It is perhaps the main reason income inequality in the United States is passed down the generations at a much higher rate than in most advanced nations.
That’s a scandal, considering how much the government spends on
education: about 5.5 percent of the nation’s economic output in total,
from preschool through college.
And it suggests that the angry, worried debate over how to improve the
nation’s mediocre education — pitting the teachers’ unions and the
advocates of more money for public schools against the champions of
school vouchers and standardized tests — is missing the most important
part: infants and toddlers.
Research by Mr. Heckman and others confirms that investment in the early
education of disadvantaged children pays extremely high returns down
the road. It improves not only their cognitive abilities but also
crucial behavioral traits like sociability, motivation and self-esteem.
Studies that have followed children through their adult lives confirm
enormous payoffs for these investments, whether measured in improved
success in college, higher income or even lower incarceration rates.
The costs of not making these investments are also clear. Julia Isaacs,
an expert in child policy at the Urban Institute in Washington, finds that
more than half of poor 5-year-olds don’t have the math, reading or
behavioral skills needed to profitably start kindergarten. If children
keep arriving in school with these deficits, no amount of money or
teacher evaluations may be enough to improve their lot later in life.
Much attention has focused lately on access to higher education.
A typical worker with a bachelor’s degree earns 80 percent more than a
high school graduate. That’s a premium of more than $500 a week, a not
insubstantial incentive to stay in school. It is bigger than ever
before. Yet the growth of college graduation rates has slowed for women
and completely stalled for men.
The Economic Report of the President released last month
bemoaned how the nation’s college completion rate had tumbled down the
international rankings, where it now sits in 14th place among O.E.C.D.
countries.
The report restated the president’s vow to increase the number of
college graduates by 50 percent by 2020, and laid out how the federal
government has spent billions in grants and tax breaks to help ease the
effects of rising tuition and fees. Last year the government spent
almost $40 billion on Pell grants, more than twice as much as when
President Obama came to office.
Mr. Heckman’s chart suggests that by the time most 5-year-olds from
disadvantaged backgrounds reach college age, Pell grants are going to do
them little good.
“Augmenting family income or reducing college tuition at the stage of
the life cycle when a child goes to college does not go far in
compensating for low levels of previous investment,” Mr. Heckman and Mr.
Cunha wrote.
Mr. Heckman and Mr. Cunha estimated
that raising high school graduation rates of the most disadvantaged
children to 64 percent from 41 percent would cost 35 to 50 percent more
if the assistance arrived in their teens rather than before they turned
6.
Erick Hanushek, an expert on the economics of education at Stanford, put
it more directly: “We are subsidizing the wrong people and the wrong
way.”
To its credit, the Obama administration understands the importance of
early investments in children. The president has glowingly cited Mr.
Heckman’s research. In his State of the Union address, the president called for universal preschool education.
“Study after study shows that the earlier a child begins learning, the better he or she does down the road,” Mr. Obama said at a speech in Decatur, Ga., in February.
But the fresh attention has not translated into money or a shift in
priorities. Public spending on higher education is more than three times
as large as spending on preschool, according to O.E.C.D. data from
2009. A study by Ms. Isaacs
found that in 2008 federal and state governments spent somewhat more
than $10,000 per child in kindergarten through 12th grade. By contrast,
3- to 5-year-olds got less than $5,000 for their education and care.
Children under 3 got $300.
Mr. Heckman’s proposals are not without critics. They argue that his
conclusions about the stupendous returns to early education are mostly
based on a limited number of expensive experiments in the 1960s and
1970s that provided rich early education and care to limited numbers of
disadvantaged children. They were much more intensive endeavors than
universal preschool. It may be overoptimistic to assume these programs
could be ratcheted up effectively to a national scale at a reasonable
cost.
Yet the critique appears overly harsh in light of the meager
improvements bought by the nation’s investments in education today. A
study by Mr. Hanushek found that scores in math tests improved only
marginally from 1970 to 2000, even after spending per pupil doubled.
Scores in reading and science declined.
“Early education is an essential piece if we are going to have a better
education system,” Barbara Bowman, an expert on early childhood
education in Chicago who has advised the Education Department. “We’re
inching in that direction.”
Education is always portrayed in the American narrative as the great
leveler. But it can’t do its job if it leaves so many behind so early.
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